Pistorius at the MSCMunich Security Conference 24: "Stand up for what we believe in”

Speech given by Federal Minister of Defence Boris Pistorius at the Munich Security Conference panel “Connecting Hemispheres: Aligning Strategic Priorities in a Multi-Crisis Era”on 17February 2024.

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Ms Amaro,
Minister Tax, 
Minister Ng,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

this is not the time for sugar-coating today’s reality. 

From the northern to the southern hemisphere, crises have been unfolding. Conflicts and wars are intensifying at alarming pace. Global challenges such as climate change, pandemics, and global threats, in particular international terrorism, are heating up existing local and regional conflicts. In the Middle East, many of these evils seem to reinforce each other. As we have seen in the barbaric terror attacks by Hamas on Israel on the 7th of October. I want to make it very clear: We stand by Israel.

One aggressive power is seeking to exploit local and regional conflicts for its own revisionist agenda. The cruel result of which we see in Ukraine.

As we speak, here in peaceful Munich, Putin’s illegal and inhumane war is bringing unspeakable suffering to the Ukrainian people. 

This war is about much more than two states fighting over territory. This war is about the question of whether we will allow an imperialist power to impose its will on another sovereign state. 

Our common answer to this question will be heard loud and clear around the world. It will influence the appetite of revisionist and expansionist powers for waging war against their neighbours. In Africa, the Middle East, and the Indo-Pacific. Together, as defenders of the free world, we have a common responsibility and the willingness to get this answer right. 

Whatever differences there may be between the countries of the north and the south: Let us overcome them. Let us draw closer together to make one thing clear: We stand for cooperation and support, not hatred and destruction. We stand for freedom and the rules-based international order that benefits us all.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

after the Cold War, we tried to build an inclusive pan-European security architecture together with Russia. Unfortunately, we failed. Today we know why: All these attempts ran counter to the Kremlin's strategy of reinstalling its dominance in Eastern and Central Europe.

It is now our common responsibility to help Ukraine to restore its territorial integrity. It is our responsibility to strengthen its resilience. Ukraine’s future lies in NATONorth Atlantic Treaty Organization and it lies in the EUEuropean Union. That is where I want to see the country and more importantly, it is where Ukraine sees its future. That means we will support them in fighting and winning this war. 

Our support to Ukraine is firm and sustained. We will hold out. We will stand strong – no matter how long Putin continues this illegal and senseless war against a sovereign, freedom-loving nation! 

At the same time, we will have to live with dividing lines in Europe for decades to come. Free and democratic Europe on one side, authoritarian and war-mongering Russia on the other. Our messages must be clear – not only in words, but also in deeds! Effective deterrence is our life insurance. 

For me, deterrence has at least three dimensions:

First and foremost: Money. We need the resources to invest in deterrence. I am proud to say that this year we will spend over two percent of our GDP on defence. I am also realistic enough to see that this might not be enough in the years to come. 

Second: Production. Without a strong defence industry, we will not be able to invest in equipment, arms and ammunition. In Germany, new production lines have been opened, for example for producing Gepard ammunition or air defence equipment. On Monday, Chancellor Scholz and I paved the way for boosting the production of 155-millimeter ammunition in Northern Germany. 

Third and last: Operational readiness. Across NATONorth Atlantic Treaty Organization’s eastern flank, we are ramping up the presence of the Bundeswehr: most prominently by permanently deploying a robust, combat-ready brigade in Lithuania. Together with our Allies we are sending a strong message to Putin: If any Russian soldier puts their boots on Allied territory, we will defend every inch of it.

As a frontline state during the Cold War, Germany benefitted greatly from the Allied presence in our country. 

All of us in free Europe are grateful for the US security umbrella over the past seventy-five years. Vice-President Kamala Harris said it quite clearly yesterday: Both sides of the Atlantic have always benefitted from this close partnership. It remains central to our security and we do not take it for granted. 

We Europeans are well aware that America's resources and attention will increasingly move towards the Indo-Pacific. Regardless of who might be at the helm in the White House. 

That is why we are working hard to make the European contribution to transatlantic burden-sharing more relevant, for example by investing in collective solutions. Here are three examples:

• The European Sky Shield Initiative with already 21 participating nations will significantly enhance the European contribution to air defence in Europe. 
• Joint procurement and development are the order of the day – not only in air defence but also for submarines, frigates, tanks or ammunition.
• The Military Mobility corridor that we have set up together with our Dutch and Polish friends will make it much easier to move troops and equipment from the Atlantic to the eastern flank if needed.

But it is also clear: We Europeans must and can do more. And we need to do it faster. 

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Europe and the West are not alone and never have been. The countries of the Global South are – to a considerable extent – shaping the 21st century. They are influencing our reality in Europe, the US and elsewhere.

If we want to be a part of these dynamics – and I definitely think we should – we are well advised to engage with these power houses. Much more than we have done in the past. Especially as we are facing many of the same challenges.

Engaging also means moving out of our comfort zone, respecting the interests, priorities and worldviews of different nations. It means not forcing them to choose sides and, most importantly, lending support where needed.

As for the Indo-Pacific, we will again send maritime units to the region this year. Underlining our commitment to open and secure sea routes that are being challenged for example by China in the South China Sea. We will also support the enforcement of UNUnited Nations sanctions against North Korea, regardless of Russia's violation of these sanctions. 

We will participate in protecting maritime traffic in the Red Sea. Pending parliamentary approval, we will be deploying a frigate from next week as part of the robust European Union-led Red Sea operation. 

In Africa, we are committed to African ownership and to African solutions to African problems. We stand ready to assist those countries that have an interest in peace and stability. That want our support in capacity building with material and with military expertise. As a contribution to the protection of the rules-based international order.

Already today, German military advisory groups are active in various countries of the African continent. We are ready to send more if asked. We seek a partnership of equals – I made this very clear during my visits to Africa last year. 

Closer cooperation means getting off our high horse. That is what I mean by "leaving our comfort zone".

We want to be reliable partners to our friends abroad. Including when it comes to armaments cooperation. We do not want arms produced in Germany to fall into the wrong hands. That is very clear. At the same time, we cannot expect countries in the Global South to defend themselves and the rules-based international order if we deny them the equipment they need!

If we refuse to cooperate with certain African states because they do not fully meet our standards, our values, then Russia will step in. Usually not for the good of the country or the stability of the region. What will we have gained then? Not much, to be honest. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, 

last year in Munich I emphasised that I am a child of the Cold War. As a child of the Cold War I remember the tremendous efforts we had to make in order to defend our freedom, our sovereignty, our peace and stability. 

Today the world is much more complicated. Today’s challenges are not exclusively challenges of one hemisphere or the other. Today’s crises are more and more interconnected. Even if conflicts are far away, their impacts are not. 

Only together will we have the chance to shape the world we live in. Let us rise to the occasion. We must stand strong for what we believe in: a future in which all nations have the right to determine their own destinies, to pursue their own paths and to join the alliances of their choice.